greenleft
A wave of protests has broken out in recent months against militias in Libya’s cities.
The militias are armed groups originally formed during the 2011 civil
war. Most are based in a particular town or region, but they sometimes
try to exercise power over a wider area.
There is widespread resentment at their arbitrary exercise of power. One protester told the Libya Herald that the militias “terrorise, steal and kidnap people”.
On November 15, protesters marched on a militia base in Gharghour, a
suburb of Tripoli, Libya’s capital. The base was occupied by a militia
from the city of Misrata.
The protesters were demanding that the militia leave Tripoli. The
militia responded by opening fire, killing 47 people and injuring 500.
The shootings led to more protests. The Tripoli local council called a general strike, initially intended to last three days.
The militias agreed to withdraw from Tripoli and Libyan Prime
Minister Ali Zeidan called for an end to the strike. However, there were
reports that some of the militias had merely moved to the outskirts of
the city, waiting to return when protests died down.
University students and staff met and voted to continue the strike.
The Tripoli local council also called for the strike to continue.
The strike lasted for two weeks. It ended on November 30 after the
government promised to ensure that all militias were withdrawn from the
capital.
History
Most of the militias were formed in 2011 during the war to overthrow the regime of Muammar Gaddafi.
Gaddafi came to power in a military coup in 1969. In the early years
of his rule, he promoted Arab nationalism, evicting a United States air
base from Libya and nationalising the oil industry.
Gaddafi used Libya’s oil revenue to create a welfare state. Health
and education were greatly improved and life expectancy rose from 51 to
74 years.
In response to such moves, Western powers were hostile to Gaddafi.
The US tried to kill him by bombing his Tripoli compound in 1986.
Western powers imposed economic sanctions on Libya and supported bids to overthrow him.
The pretext for sanctions was Libya’s alleged involvement in the
terrorist bombing of an aircraft over Lockerbie in Scotland. Although
Libya always denied involvement, Gaddafi eventually agreed to hand over
two suspects for trial. One was eventually found guilty and the other
was acquitted in a trial of dubious validity.
In 2003-04, normal diplomatic and economic relations with the Western
powers were re-established. Gaddafi began implementing neoliberal
policies favoured by Western powers.
However, there were still tensions between Libya and the Western
powers. For example, Gaddafi opposed US plans to establish the Africa
Command a military force with bases in Africa, able to intervene in
African countries.
Despite the improvements in health, education and welfare made under
the Gaddafi government, there was widespread discontent in Libya. Among
the factors stoking discontent were a lack of democracy and human rights
abuses, high unemployment, the privileges of the elite (including
Gaddafi’s family) and inadequate public services.
In February 2011, there was a wave of anti-Gaddafi protests in many
Libyan cities. In Tripoli the protests were suppressed by the regime,
but in a number of other cities and towns the rebels took control.
Benghazi, Libya’s second-largest city, and Misrata, the third largest,
were among them.
Despite the protests being fuelled by hostility to Gaddafi's
undemocratic regime, many of the movement's leaders were prepared to act
in an undemocratic manner to promote their own interests and those of
the anti-Gaddafi wing of the capitalist class. The most blatant example
of this was the promotion of violent racism by the rebel leadership.
Sections of the rebel leadership actively promoted virulent hostility
to black people. This was initially directed mainly against migrant
workers from sub-Saharan Africa, who were falsely accused of being
“mercenaries” for Gaddafi.
Such migrants were subject to pogroms in which they were murdered,
detained or forced to flee the country. Black people who were Libyan
citizens were also affected.
The war
Although some military units and a number of senior officers defected
to the rebels in the early days of the uprising, Gaddafi’s army did not
collapse. Instead it was able to go on the offensive.
The rebels appealed for foreign intervention. The United Nations
Security Council passed a resolution authorising “all necessary
measures” to protect civilians.
NATO took this as carte blanche to intervene on the side of the
rebels, bombing government troops and sending military advisers to
accompany selected rebel units. The rebels also recieved aid and
military advisers from Qatar.
Eventually the rebels gained the upper hand. Rebel troops entered
Tripoli in August 2011. There was also an insurrection within Tripoli by
residents of the city.
Pro-Gaddafi resistance continued for some months. Gaddafi was captured and murdered on October 20.
The militias created during the war continued to exist after its end.
They tend to behave like warlord armies, each ruling a particular area.
Sometimes, militias have fought battles for control of territory. Some militias have their own prisons.
The most powerful militia is based in Misrata. It has often been
called on by the central government to repress rebellions in other
cities.
The Misrata militia is extremely racist. In August 2011, it expelled
the whole population of Tawergha, a town near Misrata whose people were
descended from black African slaves.
Struggle for democracy
The struggle against the arbitrary power of the militias is one
aspect of the struggle for democratic rights in Libya. Many people hope
that an army and police force accountable to the elected government
will be better than militias under the control of warlord/gangster
leaders.
In reality, there is no guarantee that a regular army and police
force under the control of a capitalist government will be any better
than the militias. The struggle against the abuse of power will need to
continue.
It should also be noted that most people who belong to militias do so
because of the lack of other work. Hence job creation must be part of
the solution.
However, the economy is in poor shape. Prospects for job creation do not appear good given the government's neoliberal policies.
Other democratic struggles include those for ethnic minority rights, workers rights, women’s rights and civil liberties.
The Amazigh, Tebu and Tuareg minorities have taken action around
issues including recognition of their languages and increased
representation in parliament. At times, they have shut down oil and gas
facilities to put pressure on the central government.
The people of Tawergha, who now live in refugee camps in Tripoli and
other cities, have demanded the right to return to their home town.
However, the Misrata local authorities and militia will not permit
this, and the central government is unwilling or unable to confront the
rulers of Misrata over this issue. As a result, Tawerghans continue to
live in terrible conditions.
There have been strikes by oil, electricity and other workers around
health and safety, pay and other issues. At times, the workers have
demanded that managers be sacked.
The campaign for women’s rights has suffered setbacks. Libyan writer
Aicha Almagrabi said: “Things have changed but not for the better, and
we’ve lost the few rights we had.
“As an example, polygamy is still common currency in Libya, but at
least a man needed his wife’s approval to marry a second wife under
Gaddafi. That is no longer required …
“Girls at school are now forced to wear the hijab (a headscarf that
covers women’s hair and necks but not their faces) and the mufti [chief
Islamic religious leader] is also campaigning for all women to always
cover their hair.”
Almagrabi said some militias try to enforce restrictions on women’s
freedom: “I live outside the city, and on February 13 I was stopped by a
group of armed men on my way to work. They held me at gunpoint for and
hour and a half because I had no muharram [male companion] traveling
with me.
“I took the issue to media and it got the attention of the general
public. On March 14 we organised a protest called ‘the march for the
dignity of women’. As usual we were insulted, beaten and harassed.”
At the moment, the struggle against the militias is the key front in
the fight for democracy. But a real democratic revolution will require a
mass campaign for women’s rights.
It will require widespread solidarity with the struggle of the people
of Tawergha to return to their homes. It will require a struggle for
free speech, and a struggle to free all political prisoners.
It will also require a struggle against neoliberal economic policies, and for jobs and social justice.