Al Qaeda fighters are now operating out of a base set up by US
Special Forces near the Libyan capital of Tripoli, in the aftermath of
the 2011 NATO war in Libya. This fact, reported by the Daily Beast
based on numerous local media reports and statements by US officials,
underscores the reactionary character of the Libyan war and Washington’s
continued reliance on far-right Islamist forces in its Middle East
wars.
The base, known as ‘27’ because it is 27 km from Tripoli,
had recently been refurbished by a squad of US Green Berets. The US
Special Forces team had begun its operation in the summer of 2012,
nearly a year after the NATO war against Libya toppled Col. Muammar
Gaddafi in an alliance with CIA-backed Islamist militias.
US
Special Forces left the base at some unknown point in time, after two
raids were carried out against it in the summer of 2013. During these
raids, high-tech military equipment was taken. Now, less than a year
later, the base is in the hands of jihadist militants.
The
reported leader of the camp is Ibrahim Ali Abu Bakr Tantoush. Tantoush
was a longtime associate of Osama Bin Laden and was in Pakistan in the
early days of the Al Qaeda network, during the CIA-led war against the
pro-Soviet regime in Afghanistan. Tantoush was indicted in 2000 for
giving support to the 1998 bombing of US embassies in Kenya and
Tanzania.
Though Tantoush recently claimed that he has not
perpetrated a terrorist attack for Al Qaeda, he is heavily involved in
Al Qaeda’s Libyan affiliate, the Libya Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG).
This group specialized in sending jihadist troops through the port of
Dernaa to Syria.
Today, Dernaa is the primary port used by Libyan
jihadists to transit to Syria. “Libya in general is a major
thoroughfare, the I-95 for foreign fighters into Syria from Africa,” an
anonymous US defense official told the Daily Beast. Libyan
Islamists make up the largest single component of the ‘foreign fighters’
who are playing a leading role in the US-backed sectarian civil war
waged in Syria to topple the government of President Bashar al-Assad.
Even
though the US and its NATO allies are militarily dominant in the
region, Tantoush is allowed to continue operating from a US-built base
in Libya only 20 minutes’ drive from the capital city.
This is no
doubt in part because another US-NATO attack on Libyan soil would
outrage the Libyan people, who oppose such raids in particular after a
war that devastated and impoverished their country. A US raid last year
to capture alleged Al Qaeda operative Abu Anas al-Liby led to protests
and the kidnapping of Prime Minister Ali Zeidan, the head of the NATO
puppet regime.
More significantly, however, Tantoush manifestly is
operating with unofficial US approval, as part of the broader alliance
of convenience between Western imperialism and Al Qaeda—an alliance
which underlay the NATO war in Libya and the events at base ‘27.’
During
the Libyan war, Special Forces operatives from the US, British, French,
and Qatari governments directed the transfer of weapons to Islamist
militias. According to a New York Times article published in
2012, the White House gave the go-ahead to weapons shipments in the
spring of 2011. “Within weeks,” the White House knew that Islamic
militant groups were receiving the shipments.
However, these
forces, which provided the foot soldiers for NATO to overthrow and
murder Gaddafi and install a puppet regime led by the Libyan National
Transition Council, turned on their former paymasters.
Many
militias were asked to disband but refused to do so after having armed
themselves and gained power locally after the collapse of the Gaddafi
regime. The Libyan military has repeatedly clashed with these militias
in the past two years. Though many of them are still on the government
payroll, they refuse to disarm or accept the authority of the NATO
puppet regime.
According to an anonymous US defense official, the
initial goal of the Special Forces operations at the ‘27’ base was to
train 100 Libyan soldiers. These Libyan special operations soldiers were
to participate in US-led Special Forces raids alongside their US
counterparts. This training program apparently began in the fall of 2012
and was cancelled some time later.
Carter Ham, a retired general who sat at the head of U.S. Africa Command in 2012, told the Daily Beast
that the training “program has not achieved the outcomes that we hoped
that it would and the Libyans hoped it would.” However, Ham, now
retired, denied knowing about jihadist militants having control of
the’27’ base.
Ham at one point met with a small group of fighters
selected by the Green Beret squadron. According to the article, this
group was being trained as “emerging leaders” of the unit. Ham told The Daily Beast
that the meeting “was promising… It was not as widespread as we would
have liked. The militia these guys came from, they did not have
significant military experience and certainly not in a hierarchical
organization.”
It was amid this spread of Islamist militias and
civil war conditions in Libya after the NATO war that attacks were
mounted on the US base and Tantoush’s fighters set up operations there.
This is only one of the instances of what Washington terms “blowback” in
Libya—where US government support for Islamist forces created the
conditions for attacks on US forces.
Probably the most prominent
was the attack on September 11, 2012, in which four Americans were
killed in two separate attacks within eight hours in Benghazi, Libya’s
second-largest city. Those dead included US Ambassador Christopher
Stevens and two security officers guarding a CIA compound.
A year later, the New York Times
reported that the attack had been mounted “by fighters who had
benefited directly from NATO’s extensive air power and logistics support
during the uprising against Colonel Qaddafi.”
ليبيا المستقبل
الشرق الوسط: تطوران أساسيان تمخضت عنهما زيارة رئيس الحكومة التونسية مهدي جمعة يومي الاثنين والثلاثاء إلى باريس والمحادثات التي أجراها مع أعلى السلطات بما فيها الرؤساء الثلاثة «الجمهورية والحكومة والبرلمان. الأول يكمن في الدعوة إلى مؤتمر دولي في باريس في سبتمبر (أيلول) المقبل لمساعدة تونس على اجتياز أزمتها الاقتصادية تحت عنوان «الاستثمار من أجل تونس»، والثاني يكمن في العمل على عقد مؤتمر دولي آخر تحت رعاية الأمم المتحدة ويخصص للوضع الداخلي في ليبيا وتسهيل الحوار بين مكوناتها السياسية. ويأتي هذان التطوران ليعكسا مدى اهتمام فرنسا بتونس ورغبتها في إنجاح تجربتها الديمقراطية، وهو ما أكده الرئيس هولاند في ختام اجتماعه مع جمعة في قصر الإليزيه مساء أول من أمس، إذ قال إن بلاده «ليست معنية فقط بدعم المسار الديمقراطي في تونس، ولكن أيضا بوضعها الاقتصادي وإيصالها إلى سكة التنمية المستديمة التي تحتاج إليها». وأبعد من ذلك، يريد هولاند أن يشرك الاتحاد الأوروبي في الجهود المبذولة، معدا أن الزيارة المشتركة التي قام بها وزيرا خارجية فرنسا وألمانيا إلى تونس يوم الجمعة الماضي «تجسيد» لهذه الرغبة.